In the early 1990s, Turkey has suffered from serious structural unemployment, although the country continues to lack of specialists and managers. The number of people in subsistence farming and informal labor employed complicated efforts to achieve a precise estimate of the unemployment and underemployment make. In the absence of direct surveys available statistical data in broad trends in the labor market (see Table 5, Appendix A). In 1992, the civilian labor force amounted to nearly 18.5 million, the government estimates that about 8.7 percent unemployment, but unofficial sources put it at 15 percent for 1993. In a study by the National Institute of Statistics estimated that unemployment was in urban areas and in the age group 15-24 30.2 percent. According to official figures for 1992, about 44 percent of employees worked in agriculture – a decline of more than 75 percent in the early 1960s. Employment in industry and construction amounted to about 20 percent in 1994, and the service sector employs about 35 percent.
During the postwar period, when the modernized agriculture and grew more productive, many agricultural workers became redundant. Many farmers are now out of work, attracted by higher wages in the urban economy, migrated to the cities. Although industry and services grew rapidly after 1950, these sectors did not create enough jobs to satisfy the demand.
Demographic trends indicate continued problems with unemployment. Population growth rates slightly declined after the 1970s, but in the mid-1990s, demographers predict that the active population (which would be age between fifteen and sixty-four years) increase to more than 2 percent per year until at least 2000th The labor force grew at an estimated average annual rate of 2 percent in the 1960s and 1970s, by 1.5 to 2.0 percent in the early 1980s, and at 2.2 percent per year between 1985 and 1992nd The various savings programs in 1980 aggravated the situation of unemployment, unemployed in the mid-1980s, with an estimated three million Turks in 1985. The recovery of the economy in the late 1980s, the situation seemed to improve as a whole, manufacturing employment rose by 3.4 percent per year. However, were expected to slow the economic crisis of 1994 and the early savings program again employment growth.
The workers were grown even faster in the 1970s and 1980s, it was not for a decline in labor force participation rate of about 73 percent were in the 1970s to 35 percent in the early 1990s.This decrease resulted from increased enrollments in secondary and higher education and the tendency of women in rural areas who migrated from the city to waive the workers. Most demographers believed that participation rates would continue to fall as a result of overall higher education for women and school prizes. By the year 1991, the school enrollment ratios, particularly for women lagged significantly behind primary school enrollment ratios, which means more room for future enrollment. Even if participation rates continue to fall, but population growth is projected to make unemployment a constant problem.
Unemployment has caused distortions in rural and urban labor markets. Many farmers have on unproductive farms were more uncertain fate to avoid in the cities. In addition, the great postwar increase in employment in the services sector is likely reflects widespread underemployment, such as unemployed resort to work as street vendors and domestic workers. The largest groups of the unemployed are educated youth from urban areas, migrants dislocated from the villages and working life in slums, and the return of Turks abroad.
Emigration is a partial safety valve for surplus labor force planned to leave, especially in the period 1969-1973, when more than 100,000 workers each year to seek jobs abroad. The capital-intensive, labor-short countries of northwestern Europe began, workers from southern Europe and the Mediterranean in the 1950s. Turkish workers began to emigrate to Western Europe in large numbers in the early 1960s, when the demand for labor in northern Europe has increased greatly and so the supply dried up from southern Italy, because of increased domestic demand.Although Turk worked in many European countries were the most for the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany). Many Turkish workers to France, Austria and the Netherlands. The number of Turkish workers abroad in the vicinity of 136,000 in 1973, its highest level. The oil price shock of the year 1974-1975 and the recession led to new restrictions on migrant workers in Western Europe, including a ban in the Federal Republic of Germany. These measures caused a sharp decline in Turkish emigration to Western Europe – which only 18,000 per year on average from 1974 to 1980 – and became an important issue between Turkey and the European Community. Despite the restrictions in 1981, there were still about 1 million Turkish workers in Western Europe, half of them in the Federal Republic of Germany.
After the reunification of Germany in 1989, pressure mounted on so-called guest workers in their home countries, although many were born in Europe to return. High unemployment, particularly in eastern Germany, inspired neo-Nazi parties agitating for the forced repatriation, and some groups used violence against immigrants. In one famous case in Rostock, members of a Turkish family were to die in their own homes burned. Other European countries also an increase in hostility toward immigrant workers, including Turks experienced. In France, the Front National party, led by Jean-Marie Le Pen, won much support for his anti-immigrant stance.
After 1975, the Turkish workers were more likely Arab oil states than to Western Europe. Each year from 1980 to 1982 were more than 24,000 employees in more than 10,000 in Libya and Saudi Arabia. Over the same period a year an average of only 370 Turkish workers in the Federal Republic of Germany. By 1982 about 150,000 Turks in Saudi Arabia, Libya and the small Arabian Peninsula states were employed. However, economic difficulties faced by oil-producing states in the mid and late 1980s reduced opportunities for further Turkish immigration.
In general, the Turkish government was positive about workers’ emigration, despite concerns that skilled workers are lost, because better-educated Turks who will tend to emigrate. In 1994 an estimated 1.1 million Turkish workers were in Western Europe, of which about 750,000 in Germany. More than 200,000 were in the Middle East. European workers usually stay for several years abroad, remitting funds to relatives in Turkey. Most eventually returned with their accumulated savings to establish a small business or to buy a farm. Turks working in the Middle East, in contrast, tend to work for the Turkish construction companies and is usually completed after each project again, these workers tend to remit a larger share of income to their families. The flow of remittances was financially significant after 1965, when they reached the equivalent of U.S. $ 70,000,000. By the early 1990s this figure had reached U.S. $ 3,000,000,000 per year.
Like most developing countries lack an adequate number of Turkey’s trained and qualified staff.In the early 1990s exceeded the demand for trained and qualified workers, the limited number of technically and scientifically trained graduates.
Trade unions play an important role in relation to work in the modern sectors of the economy.Most agricultural workers and service not to trades unions, but a large part of the industrial workers in some larger firms and workers in other sectors such as transport, trade and finance, are unionized, public sector employees are the most likely to join a union. In the 1960s and 1970s, wages and profits in favor of unionized workers exerted a positive influence on the income level of nonunionized workers. After the 1980s, however, weakened the labor movement.Not only are the unions in relation to smaller membership – Ministry of Labour and Social Security numbers for 1985 suggested that the trade unions about 1.8 million workers, or about 10 percent of the civilian labor force – but have included strict limits on their activities,considered it politically weak. As a result, during the 1980s, organized labor suffered huge cuts in real incomes.
Until the mid-1970s, Turkey had about 800 unions, many of whom had memberships in the hundreds. Only a few were, what they are called trade unions nationwide, some had full membership in a particular sector, giving them a leverage that was missing most of the unions.Many unions joined national associations, to exert more influence. Before the coup of 1980, four major trade union federations dominated by different political orientations of the labor scene. The main trade union organization, was the Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions (Türkiye Isci Sendikalari Konfederasyonu – Türk-Is), politically moderate, compliance with legal limits on its activities. The other large group of union, the Confederation of Revolutionary Workers’ Unions of Turkey (Türkiye Devrimci Isci Sendikalari Konfederasyonu – DISK), emerged from a group of Turk-Is in 1967. Disk was much smaller than Türk-Is but more militant. In addition, include a small number of employees, the pro-Islamic Union of Turkish Just Workers ‘Unions (Türkiye Hak Isci Sendikalari Konfederasyonu – Hak-Is) and the right-wing Union of Turkish Nationalist Workers’ Unions (Türkiye milliyetçi Isci Sendikalari Konfederasyonu – misk) . After the coup of 1980, with the exception of all trade union federations, Türk-Is has been banned for a period of time. Subsequently, the Government of the Union in other groups of their activities to resume.
Numbers vary over the trade union membership, but Ministry of Labor Statistics, at least an idea of the relative size of the unions. According to this source in 1992, Turk-Is has a membership of around 1.7 million, Hak-Is and DISK 330,000 members had had about 26,000 members.Furthermore, Turkey was not included in 2004 the independent trade unions, associations. The size of its membership in early 1995 was uncertain, but organized labor a total of nearly 2.2 million workers in 1992. The workers could legally over a union that includes some of the confusion explained to the membership statistics.
Founded in 1952, includes Turk-Is, many workers employed in enterprises, and was the only group that actively Union on a large scale collective bargaining in the early 1990s. Stark is centralized Turk-Is by a few large, conservative-dominated trade unions, the Socialist unions, which have among its thirty member organizations figure Federation matters little to say. In accordance with the law, Turk-Is has remained technically outside of party politics, but is in question, the work interested. Turk-Is is affiliated with the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations by his membership in the Asian-American Free Labor Institute, which offers training for union leaders. Since 1980, Turk-Is has generally refrained from calling for a strike, perhaps because of the fear that labor disputes could lead to layoffs of surplus SEE staff.
coordinates against the background of a growing labor unrest in 1994, based on the deepening economic problems, budgetary cuts and privatization, Turk-Is wage talks with the government at the end of the year. Although the former co-accused, and questionable with the government, Turk-Is not widespread pressure from affiliated unions and their members to vote on the increase, given the government offered. Both DISK and Hak-Is had a strong wage increase of 102 percent for the Turk-Is-affiliated Teksif Union at the end of 1994 on the grounds that the size of the wage increase was the much higher inflation rates and the agreement to jointly Optive.
DISK, Turk-Is’s rival draws its members mainly from the private sector and from municipal employees. In the mid-1990s, it seemed that members were of the left-wing unions such as disk shifted Islamist-oriented ones. Nevertheless, continued DISK-affiliated unions some influence as part of total labor exert pressure to obtain wage and employment levels.
Before 1980 Hak-Is was supposed to pro-Islamic National Salvation Party (Milli Selamet Partisi – MSP bound), while the Nationalist Action Party supported misk (milliyetçi Hareket Partisi – MHP). In 1980 the two organizations claimed memberships of 68,000 and 290,000 respectively.After 1984 they played only a minor role in collective bargaining because it lacked sufficient membership to be as representative as part of the new labor legislation.
The 1980 military intervention highly restricted trade union activities. have passed the 1982 Constitution and the laws on union organizing and collective bargaining, strikes, lockouts, and in 1983, Turkey was firmly controlled by the unions in most non-Communist Europe. Thus the right to represent workers at a particular plant, unions must prove that they have the support of at least 10 percent of union members in the industry and a majority interest in the particular workplace. Political and general strikes and many forms of industrial action, including secondary strikes, work stoppages and slowdowns picketing is prohibited. About half of the unionized workers, including those in the gas, water, electricity, mining and petroleum industries as well as those in the banking, transport, refuse collection and fire departments, are allowed to strike. Strikes can be called only after a written notice of the government, which may require a ninety-day cooling-off period followed by a mandatory arbitration. Workers who may be illegally punishable by as much as eighteen months in prison strike, and those who can participate in such strikes are fired, with the loss of all accumulated financial assets, including pensions.
After the 1980 coup, the military government collective bargaining only in May 1984 prohibited try after which time the officers continued to restrain wage settlements in order to limit inflation.Although private sector wage settlements in 1984 and 1985, the increase between 25-60 percent, wage adjustments were usually still run behind the inflation rate, which declines in real wages. The government has a more relaxed attitude in the late 1980s, but until 1994 the authorities once again to stop using anti-strike provisions from the early 1980s to strikes and other actions job.
In the public sector, the government has even more successful at holding the line against wage increases, although large increases in the years 1992-93 led to a sharp jump in government spending. With a limited approval by the IMF, the government employees’ wages were targeted as the primary means for achieving budget cuts in 1994 and early 1995. As part of this strategy, Prime Minister Ciller tried to illegal strikes as a pretext for the elimination of certain public enterprises to be used, union workers would also be informed that there are many unemployed people are willing to do their work for less pay. In early 1995, the unions looked for public sector employees outside the public companies the opportunity to completely abolished. Even seasonal workers with part-time jobs were working village roads, irrigation projects and other infrastructure components under the supervision of the state authorities are made, an arrangement that would cost them their labor rights. People with “worker” status, which therefore had certain rights under the law employs, as were “public servants”, which reclassified no right to collective bargaining and to strike. Members of this group, there was bad in the mid-1990s, with falling wages, accompanied by her loss of rights.
Recent Comments